BOOSHTEE! SURVIVAL AND
RESILIENCE IN ETHIOPIA
Sexuality, Poverty and Law

Cheryl Overs
April 2015

The IDS programme on Strengthening Evidence-based Policy works across seven key
themes. Each theme works with partner institutions to co-construct policy-relevant
knowledge and engage in policy-influencing processes. This material has been
developed under the Sexuality, Poverty and Law theme.
The material has been funded by UK aid from the UK Government, however the views
expressed do not necessarily reflect the UK Government’s official policies.
AG Level 2 Output ID: 237

BOOSHTEE! SURVIVAL AND RESILIENCE IN ETHIOPIA
Cheryl Overs
April 2015
This is an Open Access publication distributed under the terms of the Creative
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credited.
First published by the Institute of Development Studies in April 2015
© Institute of Development Studies 2015
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Homosexuality is not that common in Addis, but it is there! It is rather risky to come
out of the closet, but we even have a term for it – BOOSHTEE! – which is regarded as
an insult. The risk of admitting being gay is DEATH! Which is pretty sad.
Ethiopian blogger (BBC News 1999)

Although homosexuality is illegal in Ethiopia, same-sex behaviour is not prosecuted because
the government of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) views homosexuality
as a low law enforcement priority. While this may suggest at first glance that the situation for
same-sex attracted men is better in Ethiopia than in other countries that retain laws against
homosexuality, in reality the illegality of same-sex relations functions throughout Ethiopian
society to drive and justify social and economic exclusion and human rights abuses of samesex attracted people. There is a powerful synergy between church and state and sections of
the church are occupied with promulgating extreme homophobia by associating
homosexuality with taboo superstition, undesirable foreign influence, child abuse and
prostitution. Moreover, Ethiopia’s strong economic growth and geopolitical situation has
limited the influence of other countries, donors and agencies in respect of human rights and
economic or social policy in the country.
Exclusion can take the form of dismissal from work, expulsion from education and housing,
and lack of access to services such as health and education and resources such as credit
and humanitarian aid. It also means that there are no programmes or policies to protect
same-sex attracted people from economic hardship, crime, disease or human rights
violations.
The structure of the Ethiopian economy and society means that dependence on family and
place for livelihood, social and spiritual meaning is high, particularly in rural areas where the
majority of the population live. Breaking away to live out same-sex orientation or rejection
after being exposed as gay usually carries enormous social costs, including loss of family
status and income. For the majority of Ethiopians lack of safety nets means that this quickly
leads to destitution. This is particularly problematic for young and/or HIV-positive men but it
also applies to middle-class gay men for whom the consequences of being exposed as gay
would, in most cases, include loss of livelihood.
As in most Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity and Expression (SOGIE) communities
throughout the world, there are a number of individual and collective strategies for social and
economic survival. The high level of discrimination means that secrecy about same-sex
attraction is the primary strategy for maintaining social and economic life and family
relationships (whether or not those relationships are experienced as satisfactory or not). In
some cases this secrecy is a kind of ‘networked secrecy’ through which gay-identified men
can live social, sexual and economic lives, and even develop joint enterprises and economic
subcultures. Moving around the country or abroad is another strategy, as is sex work, but
both are usually difficult and risky.
Direct advocacy for major policy or legal change from within the SOGIE community or by
international agencies and governments is unlikely to be successful in the current context
and would almost certainly make things worse for both individual agitators and possibly for
same-sex attracted people generally. These include laws that limit free speech and nongovernmental organisation (NGO) activity generally and the fact that the Ethiopian
government is able to ignore international pressure on such issues. A further complication in
this context is that social and economic survival are directly threatened by deep and
multifaceted contempt for homosexuality that functions powerfully at societal and familial
level rather than directly by the state and its instruments.

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Although the Ethiopian context is unique, the preliminary goals of building safer lives for
same-sex attracted men in Addis Ababa are similar to those identified by SOGIE activists
elsewhere – reducing stigma and discrimination; protecting human rights, including tackling
violence; and ensuring that there are adequate health services for men who have sex with
men (MSM).
Even though the international community ostensibly supports these aims (especially the
reduction of HIV) few agencies or governments can make the long-term and careful
investment needed to ensure that the rights of same-sex attracted people are embedded in
agendas for social and economic justice agendas in Ethiopia, the region and globally.
Recommendations focus on ways that governments and international agencies can
influence development programming and law and policy reform in ways that reduce the
exclusionary impact of hatred of homosexuality and those who practise it. In particular, it
urges international agencies to find ways to help strengthen the nascent SOGIE community
by supporting research and information sharing and establishing links with international HIV
and human rights organisations, diaspora communities and African and international lesbian,
gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) rights movements.
Several prominent global watchdog organisations said Ethiopia wasn’t on their
radar… the US, UK and other governments give huge amounts of aid to Ethiopia
while remaining tight-lipped about the extensive violations of human rights happening
throughout the country.
Claire Beston, Amnesty International, quoted in Baker (2013)

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